Gendered Organisations: How Organisational Processes Contribute To Gender Inequality

This case study was written by Andrea Wessendorf, a first year PhD  candidate at the Cambridge Judge Business School . Her research looks into the ways in which organisations contribute to the recreation of patterned social inequality.

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In 1965, CEOs earned 20 times as much as workers within the same organisation[1]. In 2013, this divide has almost increased fifteenfold: CEOs earned 296 times as much as the workers in the same organisation.

Organisations distribute resources. In general, we assume that hard work will pay off. The top jobs in our society – that is the jobs with the most power, status and remuneration – are allocated to whoever has the most talent and put in the most effort. This believe diverts our attention away from other explanations. After all, organisations are rational, and as rational actors, it is in their best interest to give the most important positions to the people who have the most skills. But are they?

On average, girls are equally good or better in school than boys[2]. Last year, in the UK women were 30% more likely to go to university than men[3] and likewise results in the US indicate that more women graduate from college than men[4]. Assuming gender parity at 40%, women caught up on higher education in the late 80s. If women are successful early on in their years, we should expect them to perform well in the later stages of their lifes, too.

Still, we do not see many women in the upper echelons of the organisations. In fact, 80% of the Fortune 500 boards are men. The contrast is even more stark at the very top of the organisations where 95% of the Chairs are men[5]. There is a clear gender divide between the lower and upper echelons of organisations that, looking back at the pool of candidates who left university, cannot be explained with ability.

Early research on gender inequality has shown that jobs are sex-typed[6]. That means that job roles have normative ascriptions and gendered assumptions. The industrialisation led to a spatial divide of paid work and household work, and to gender segregation within and across organisations and industries[7]. During these years job roles were formed by the job role incumbents. And these formative years still influence our perceptions today. Because men were managers in the past, managers are still assumed to be men. Under this assumption, women do not fit the job role. There is a perceived lack of fit[8] between the managerial requirements, which are “inherently” male, and the gender expectations towards women.

The consequences are manifold: All else equal, men get the benefit of the doubt and are thus more likely to be hired or promoted. Even if a woman got the job, she is likely to be under-evaluated[9] – regardless of actual performance. Consequently, men and women have different opportunities within the workplace. Moreover, when women perform managerial roles well, there is a social backlash[10]. A manager is, for example, expected to demonstrate agentic behaviour. If a man demonstrates agentic behaviour, this is perfectly in synch with the gender expectations. If a woman is agentic, there is a punishment for not being nice enough. This leads to a neglect of much needed strong social networks and may result in both less career progress and less job satisfaction.

The perceived misfit is largely due to the sex-typing of jobs. We have assumptions about jobs and people, and such stereotypes evoke an idea about how well a person will or will not fit the job – beyond actual abilities. Stereotypes therefore induce bias in evaluations. This process is often unconscious. But this means that the meanings we attach to categories, such as gender, matter because they influence our actions.

Even if it is unintentional, it is still effective. It is structural, because it affects many decisions by many people in many cases. It leads to patterned outcomes in organisational processes, based on social group membership. This leads to a systemic privilege, on average, for men as they fit the managerial positions better. And because the same structures are created and recreated time over time, the stereotypes, about job role incumbents and gender, are reinforced, continuously creating artificial barriers for those who do not fit. As a consequence, the jobs with the highest power, status, and remuneration largely continue to be assigned to men.

The central role of organisations in facilitating gender equality

Organisations contribute to gender inequality beyond the upper echelons in organisations. Gender equality is essentially about equal opportunities. It should mean that every person, given the required skills for the job at hand, should have the same opportunities of access and performance, regardless of their gender. In reality, this is not the case.

As pointed out above, we have assumptions about people based on how we categorise them. We expect a woman to be caring and a man to be assertive. We also have assumptions about job roles. A manager is a man[11] and a nurse is a woman. When job role incumbents deviate from these expectations, we tend to jump to wrong conclusions. For example, women in management positions are frequently under-evaluated, regardless of actual performance[12]. On the other hand, male nurses are regularly mistaken for doctors[13] .

These assumptions influence decision making processes. Within organisations, women are segregated into lower positions relative to men, and across organisations and occupations women tend to do more caring jobs. These phenomena are not only driven by organisations. They are recreated in daily interaction across social spheres. Consequently, gender equality in organisations is inextricably linked to more basic assumptions about gender roles. Still, organisations play a huge role in bridging the gender divide.

Not only do organisations distribute resources through organisational processes, such as hiring and promoting, in patterned ways, thereby directly contributing to gender inequality. Their policies and cultures also affect gender roles beyond their organisational boundaries. Specifically, studies have shown that the success of government policies in driving gender equality is affected by organisational policies and cultures.

At entry level positions, men and women earn the same wages[14]. The pay gap emerges as soon as partners start having a family. Women tend to stay at home and work reduced schedules, thereby suspending their careers. But even if women work full-time, they spent more time in the household than men. This is a double-burden that men are not expected to carry.

Sweden tried to address this issue by making a portion of the parental leave obligatory for fathers[15]. However, a study found that men will only take parental leave if they feel that it is socially accepted and not punished in the company[16]. This bring the responsibility back to organisations. Their policies and cultures play a big role in making the change. Gender equality cannot be achieved without organisations.

References:

[1] https://www.epi.org/publication/ceo-pay-continues-to-rise/

[2] http://kjonnsforskning.no/en/2017/03/underachieving-boys-or-clever-girls; https://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/11364130/Girls-do-better-than-boys-at-school-despite-inequality.html

[3] https://www.ucas.com/file/140436/download?token=WX45D1lF

[4] https://www.statista.com/statistics/184272/educational-attainment-of-college-diploma-or-higher-by-gender/

[5] https://corpgov.law.harvard.edu/2018/05/01/missing-pieces-report-the-2016-board-diversity-census-of-women-and-minorities-on-fortune-500-boards/

[6] Epstein, C. F. (1970). ‘Encountering the Male Establishment: Sex-Status Limits on Women’s Careers in the Professions’, American Journal of Sociology, 75(6), pp. 965–982.

[7]Calás, M. B. and Smirich, L. (2006). ‘From the “Woman’s Point of View” Ten Years Later: Towards a Feminist Organization Studies’, in The SAGE Handbook of Organization Studies. Second. London: SAGE, pp. 284–346.

[8] Heilman, M. E. (1983). ‘Sex bias in work settings: The Lack of Fit model’, Research in Organizational Behavior, 5, pp. 269–298.

[9] Heilman, M. E. (2002). ‘Description and Prescription: How Gender Stereotypes Prevent Women’s Ascent Up the Organizational Ladder’, Journal of Social Issues, 57(4), pp. 657–674. doi: 10.1111/0022-4537.00234.

[10] Eagly, A. H. and Karau, S. J. (2002). ‘Role congruity theory of prejudice toward female leaders.’, Psychological Review, 109(3), pp. 573–598. doi: 10.1037//0033-295X.109.3.573; Rudman, L. A. and Glick, P. (2002). ‘Prescriptive Gender Stereotypes and Backlash Toward Agentic Women’, Journal of Social Issues, 57(4), pp. 743–762. doi: 10.1111/0022-4537.00239.

[11] Schein, V. E. (1973). ‘The relationship between sex role stereotypes and requisite management characteristics’, Journal of Applied Psychology, 57(2), pp. 95–100. doi: 10.1037/h0037128.

[12]Heilman, M. E. (1983). ‘Sex bias in work settings: The Lack of Fit model’, Research in Organizational Behavior, 5, pp. 269–298; Heilman, M. E. (2002). ‘Description and Prescription: How Gender Stereotypes Prevent Women’s Ascent Up the Organizational Ladder’, Journal of Social Issues, 57(4), pp. 657–674. doi: 10.1111/0022-4537.00234.

[13] Wingfield, A. H. (2009). ‘Racializing the Glass Escalator: Reconsidering Men’s Experiences with Women’s Work’, Gender & Society, 23(1), pp. 5–26. doi: 10.1177/0891243208323054.

[14] https://slate.com/business/2018/02/even-in-denmark-children-are-career-killers-for-working-moms.html

[15] https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/12/19/take-five-months-parental-leave-swedish-fathers-told/

[16] Haas, L., Allard, K. and Hwang, P. (2002). ‘The impact of organizational culture on men’s use of parental leave in Sweden’, Community, Work & Family, 5(3), pp. 319–342. doi: 10.1080/1366880022000041801.

Upcoming Conference! ‘#MeToo on Campus: Ending Sexual Misconduct in UK Universities’

  • January 18th, 2019
  • Blog

Were thrilled to announce an upcoming conference ‘#MeToo on Campus: Ending Sexual Misconduct in UK Universities’, which will be hosted  in conjunction with Westminster Briefing on Wednesday 20 March 2019 (venue TBC).

The‘#MeToo movement’ has highlighted the urgent need for universities to address the serious problem of sexual misconduct on campus. Nationally, the Office for Students has made this a key strategic objective, but universities must also be proactive in introducing their own policies to lead the way in reforming gender culture

This conference is your chance to explore your university’s next steps in embedding cultural change on campus and to ensure you avoid the sanctions and reputational damage that accompanies non-compliance.

We have a fantastic line-up of confirmed speakers, including:

  • Dr Lilia Giugni, CEO, GenPol (Event Partner)
  • Professor Janice Kay CBE, Member of the UUK Taskforce, Provost & Senior Deputy Vice Chancellor, University of Exeter
  • James Elms, ‘Good Lad Initiative’ Student Coordinator, University of Cambridge
  • Senior Representative, Office for Students
  • Kim Doyle, Chief Executive, LimeCulture
  • Dr Nina Burrowes, Founder, The Consent Collective
  • Julian Sladdin, Partner, Pinsent Masons
  • Georgina Calvert-Lee, Head of British Practice and Senior Litigation Counsel, McAllister Olivarius
  • Further speakers to follow

Join colleagues who share a passion for these important issues and attend this conference to hear from institutions with strong campaigns, policies and training that are improving ‘prevention and response’ to sexual misconduct in Higher Education.

View the full agenda here and don’t miss out by registering now. Right now, GenPol followers and partners can get a 20% discount by entering the code METOOGP19 at registration.

GenPol for Efeminista: Women in the public space

Our best New Year’s resolution for 2019? To continue to support women in politics.

Spanish magazine Efeminista interviewed our CEO Lilia Giugni and discussed British politics, feminism and how digital violence hits women in the public space harder, especially when they face additional layers of discrimination due to their race, sexual orientation, religious belief, socioeconomic class, ability, etc.

We do need more women in positions of power, but we also need them to be unequivocally feminist.

Read the full feature here (in Spanish).

Parental Leave and Premature Babies: Filling In Policy Gaps

  • November 19th, 2018
  • Blog

This piece is part of a series connected to GenPol’s work on parental leave in the UK and beyond.

On 1 October 2018, the UK government revealed plans to consult on the possibility of publishing “parental leave and pay” policies for businesses with over 250 employees. Business secretary Greg Clark made the announcement as part of a series of new measures designed to support parents, and notably new mothers, in the workplace. Clark’s comments come in the wake of a concerning report from the Labour Market Outlook: Focus on Working Parents in 2017, which found that just 5 per cent of new fathers and 8 per cent of new mothers have opted to take up their legal right to the SPL (Shared Parental Leave) scheme, first introduced in April 2015.

The concerning figures do not stop there. In March 2017, the UK was ranked the third worst country in Europe for paid parental leave. Under current legislation, Statutory Maternity Leave is 52 weeks, whereas fathers claiming Paternity Leave can choose to take either 1 or 2 consecutive weeks. The current wording of the legislation dictates that ‘paternity leave cannot start before the birth of the child, and must finish ‘within 56 days of the birth’. In the case of a premature baby, this leave can be extended to 56 days after the due date.

This somewhat dispassionate reference to premature birth is indicative of a wider gap in existing parental-leave policy. Current Parental Leave Legislation fails to set out any tangible guidelines to support parents confronted with a premature birth, and makes no allowances for the financial, emotional, and logistical impact this will have on their working life (or, indeed, on their return to the workplace). According to statistics published by the Premature Baby Charity Bliss,  up to 95,000 babies are cared for in neonatal units in the UK because they have been born prematurely (before 37 weeks of pregnancy). Parents often have to travel to hospitals on a daily basis and wait many weeks before their babies can actually return home.

In my case, it was three and a half months. I was born at 25 weeks, weighing 1lb 5oz (602g), and received treatment in a neonatal care unit from November 1990 to March 1991. Despite this, my family was, undoubtedly, very fortunate. My parents lived within easy commuting distance of an excellent NICU (Neonatal Intensive Care Unit) and as secondary school teachers received a much more generous leave, and pay allowances, than the statutory minimum. My father’s school gave him 6 weeks leave on full pay without him having to ask (a particularly generous gesture given there was no statutory paternity leave available in 1990). My mother’s situation was sadly more complex. She was entitled to 3 months’ full pay, then up to another 9 months at steadily reduced pay. Complications arose when doctors thought it might be possible to stop her labour. If this had been the case, my mother would have had full sick pay up to my birth, and then 3 months on full pay afterwards. In the end I left the unit on the day my Mum’s full-pay leave ran out. She found herself at home with a new-born baby (her first), with a variety of health complications, and zero remaining full-pay leave to help ease this transition, from life in the unit to life at home.


(Ellen and her mum Maureen in the unit, December 1990. Photo Credits: Angus Walker)

Her situation, it seems, is still extremely common 28 years later. A lack of adequate parental leave (and pay) continues to be a prevalent source of stress among parents of premature children. More than half of new- mothers report anxiety and symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder following neonatal intensive care, and 40% of mothers develop postnatal depression following neonatal intensive care. Extra paid leave is a small gesture in the face of so much emotional strain, but is nonetheless an indispensable step in helping preemie parents, and especially mothers, feel supported in their return home and to work.

In October 2017, Sadiq Khan announced plans to grant extra leave for parents of premature babies, just months after a proposed Maternity and Paternity Leave (Premature Birth) Bill was scrapped in parliament. Under these new reforms, City Hall employees with a child born before 37 weeks will be entitled to a day’s premature baby leave and pay for every day between the date their baby was born and the due date. Both parents will also be granted additional neonatal leave, and pay, for every day their baby spends in neonatal care.

Whilst recent studies indicate that rates of survival rates for extreme preterm births are up from 40% to 53%, the odds still remain stacked against thousands of tiny babies across the UK. I do not think additional paid leave would have made these stakes seem any less terrifying for my parents, but I have no doubt that it would eased some of the financial and logistical pressures they had to contend with. My mother always used to say that having a premature baby was like being faced with an immense cliff face that all of us had to climb. Whilst no legislation or policy provision can ever efface the torturous traces of that ascent, it can go some way to making sure that cliff is less crippling for those who find themselves on it: an extra ounce of energy to help families keep the summit in sight.

Ellen Davis-Walker
Chief Marketing and Communications Officer
(25 weeks)

`We Need More Trailblazers`: Paternity Leave in Japan

  • November 15th, 2018
  • Blog

This piece is  part of a series connected to GenPol’s work on parental leave in the UK and beyond. It is based on an interview between GenPol directors (Ellen Davis-Walker and Chiara De Santis) and Seira Yun of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), who is currently researching Paternity Leave in Japan at the Cambridge Centre for Social Innovation. We really enjoyed his personal take on the unique dynamics that underpin these parental leave provisions. We hope you will too!

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What is the current situation facing new (or prospective) parents in Japan?

New (or prospective) parents in Japan can benefit from a very generous parental leave regime if they want to, but only few fathers take up these benefits.

Japan has one of the best statutory paternity leave regimes with regards to its length and leave payment. Concerning the length of the leave, each parent can take parental leave, as an individual entitlement, until the child is 12 months old. A parent on leave receives sixty-seven per cent of their salary for the first six months, then fifty per cent of the salary for the remainder. In addition, the leave payment is not taxable and the recipients are not subject to social security contributions. These leave benefits are funded by the Employment Insurance system, which is financed by contributions from employees, employers and the state.

This generous parental leave policy is related to the concerns in shrinking population. Given Japan’s low birth rate the Japanese government has been implementing policies to encourage more women to work and reproduce in order to maintain the labour force needed to sustain the social security system of an aging society. One of these policies is a generous paternal leave policy so that women can have children without sacrificing too much of their career.

However, very few working fathers actually take up the paternity leave benefits they are legally entitled to. According to a survey conducted by Japan’s Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare, the uptake rate of parental leave taken by fathers increased from 3.16 per cent in 2016 to 5.14 per cent in 2017 (compared with 83.2 per cent for working mother), which marked the highest percentage since the survey began in 1996 . In 2016, out of 3.16 per cent of the fathers who took paternity leave, more than 80% took less than one month of leave, and 56.9% took less than five days. The paternity leave uptake rate in Japan is significantly lower than in counties such as Sweden (88.3 per cent), Norway (90 per cent), Iceland (81 per cent), and France (62 per cent).

Why did you want to research the topic?  What exactly drew you to it?   

The idea for this research was born during a conversation with my wife. My wife and I discussed having a child, as well as practical arrangements for childcare because we both had full-time jobs. Given that we are both feminists, we’ve decided that I, as the father of any potential children, should take an equal, if not greater, share of childcare responsibility than my wife. As such, I started to study the paternity leave  policy in Japan. I was happy to find out that Japan has a generous statutory paternity leave regime compared to other countries. However, I was shocked by the huge gap between a generous statutory paternity leave policy and an extremely low uptake rate. I then started to search for information explaining the reasons for this discrepancy. While I found numerous studies on the same topic but conducted in different countries, I was not able to find academic articles examining the Japanese situation, except for a few.

Then I came across the case of Sony: an interesting case in regards to paterity leave; Sony has an extremely high rate of paternity leave uptake at approximately fifty per cent. However, there has been no academic research examining how Sony was able to change its organizational culture to encourage its male employees to take paternity leave. That’s why I decided to study Sony in order to understand how companies can change their organizational culture in order to create a conducive environment for working fathers to take up paternity leave.

What’s distinctive about Japan as a case study? What can we, and our readers, learn from it? 

As mentioned above, Japan is an extreme case in the sense that there is a huge gap between what is available for fathers and what they actually take up. We can learn from the case of Japan that just because we have a generous paternity leave regime, does not mean we can use it in practice. In other words, policymakers should be aware of the environment and set realistic policies at first and gradually get closer to the ideal. My friend Alexander Zapesochny gave me a valuable insight that perhaps more fathers in Japan would have taken paternity leave if the length of leave available were only four weeks. Because the gap between reality and ideal was so huge, for many, paternity leave exists only on paper. The case of Japan could provide an example that a ‘staircase’ approach rather than an ‘elevator’ approach get you faster to your destination.

In addition,  the case of Sony could provide the readers with valuable lessons on how we can create a conducive environment for fathers to take paternity leave even in a context like Japan where the majority of the population have not embraced the idea of paternity leave.

What do you think about the question of shared parental leave in addition to paternity leave? Can you outline your thoughts on these?

I believe that shared parental leave will not result in promoting gender equality, because the vast majority of shared leave will be used by the mother due to financial reasons and gender stereotypes. For instance, in Norway, the fathers’ uptake rate of shared parental leave was quite low until 1993 where the Norwegian government successfully increased the rate by reserving four weeks for fathers. If we want fathers to take parental leave, it should be an individual entitlement.

What do you think can be done to motivate employers to adopt and promote these policies in the workplace?

Firstly, researchers could conduct a quantitative analysis on the financial benefits of paternity leave. In fact, a study suggests that it is financially beneficial for employers if more male employees take up paternity leave because the recipients showed more job satisfaction and retention rate, both factors exceed the cost of their temporary absence. We need to mainstream this aspect of paternity leave. Second, brave people need to be the first ones to take paternity leave within the firm. Studies have shown that, once someone has taken paternity leave, many men follow suit many men follow suit. We need more trailblazers.

“Digital gender-based violence: can education stop abuse?” GenPol at the European Parliament.

Hosted by MEP Mr Brando Benifei (S&D) 

Organised by GenPol, with IPPF Eropean Network, European Women’s Lobby & SOS Music Media, November 21st, 13h-15h.

Please register at this link by November 18thhttps://goo.gl/forms/zVeLcVg2dcZajDlZ2

 Cyber-violence is real, and harms millions worldwide. Digital gender-based abuse is a specific form of violence against women and girls, and includes phenomena as serious as revenge porn, gender-based slurs and online harassment, cyber stalking, and unsolicited pornography. While cyber-violence should be seen as a continuum of off-line abuse (research shows that traditional and online forms of harassment are correlated), digital violent acts have a unique and pernicious dimension. Due to the practical problems of policing the Internet, survivors of digital abuse are often forced to relive their experiences over and over again. Yet digital gender-based violence is still poorly understood, and its impact vastly underestimated. Awareness-raising work and formal and informal educational tools, targeting not only potential perpetrators among digital natives, but also Internet service providers, policy-makers, judiciary and law enforcement agencies, are urgently needed.

Following the publication of its first policy paper, “Can Education stop abuse?”, the gender think tank GenPol, together with IPPF European Network, European Women’s Lobby and SOS Music Media, is excited to invite you to a high profile advocacy event on these themes. Bringing at the European Parliament a pool of experts, policy-makers, civil servants and advocates, we will discuss how educational tools can be used to tackle digital gender-based violence. The panel will be followed by a lively Q&A, including contributions from education and women’s rights activists.

 Speakers:

Mr Brando Bonifei, MEP

Dr Lilia Giugni- University of Cambridge & GenPol CEO

Ms Irene Donadio – IPPF European Network

Ms Asha Allen – European Women’s Lobby

Chair – Tanner Taddeo, SOS Music Media

Podcast: What Role Can Men Play in Gender Equality and Activism?

In our recent report on consent workshops, we recommend promotion of male allyship: a concept that feels all the more pressing a year after the rise of the #MeToo movement. Gender inequality is deeply rooted in our cultural and societal norms, and whilst supporting women to revert justice, men also have a lot to gain from a more gender equal world.

If you’re interested in finding out more, we’d recommend listening to the podcast we co-produced with SOS Music Media  last June, where our CEO Lilia Giugni took to the microphone to discuss what role men can play in gender equality and activism.

Happy Listening

 

Stopping Online Abuse: How Do We Make The Internet A Safer Place?

  • October 27th, 2018
  • Blog

This is the first of a two-part blog series by our Research Associate Venera Dimulescu, drawing on her first-hand research in to non-consensual pornography in Romania. In this first entry, she discusses the discourses and perceptions surrounding the rise of the ‘digital age’, and how we have failed to address the need for safety and security in our quest for progress.

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During the two years I have spent researching non-consensual pornography in Romania, I’ve noticed that the problem in tackling online abuse is twofold: there’s a lack of accurate information about the digital world and an unsuitable choice of words in the construction of the narrative. When I started diving into the subject,  I noticed there was a lack of information about how Romanians deal with online violence. There were no case studies, no statistics: only fast internet connections and increasingly cheaper smartphones and laptops. Everybody seemed to know something about the phenomena from the internet. But nobody estimated the impact of online violence, nor did they have the knowledge to combat it. As both a researcher and a journalist, I wanted to find a way, and ask how the language we use could help change these perspectives.

You might be wondering how we’ve ended up here? A few decades ago, the internet was perceived as a space of great opportunity: an alternative to the real world, a place where the right to freedom of expression would knock down the rule of prejudice and discrimination. In the first period of the technological revolution, offline/online and human/machine dichotomies were the new extensions of the old-fashioned mind/body thinking. Computers were designed as machines which would enable humans to experience this brave new world mentally and anonymously, away from their biological identities. The physical body was perceived as direct evidence of prejudice forced upon people by social norms: your neighbour’s gender, skin colour or physical strength help you recognize social status and hierarchy. The reality, in fact, was quite different.

Despite its promise of an egalitarian future, online chat-rooms and public threads are hotbeds of violence against women. Anonymous hackers or trolls harass, frequently intimidate or steal personal information from women participating in the digital public sphere. One of the most widespread practice in online abuse is privacy invasion. Users often share intimate thoughts and images to strangers online, guarded by the comfort zone of their geographical distance, and many think their nudes are safe in their lovers’ private inbox. People often witness powerlessly how their personal lives are turned into public, accessible goods on the internet without their consent. In 2014, one in ten women living in the European Union were experiencing online abuse from the age of 15.

Over the course of the last decade, researchers have discovered that online abuse has direct impact on our lives. It leaves physical marks on the human brain, since psychological trauma is no different from physical trauma when it comes to our brain’s activity. However, information about the serious impact of online abuse on users’ mental health or legal protection often remains within the small academic communities. As GenPol’s policy paper highlighted, many European countries lack proper policies to combat and prevent online violence, although some have the legal tools.

As Internet users, we can only expect an increase in online violence, as the internet has pierced through almost all of the EU households and has become a global village with worldwide access to information. A proper educational model is needed to help people understand online social phenomena and their impact.
This should include teaching consent, privacy rights and legal protection online. But the first step in the process of understanding the digital world should be changing the narrative. It’s time academics used their privilege and built bridges in communication with teenagers, parents, teachers, politicians, authorities. By failing to address these gaps, we’re passively reinforcing epistemic injustice: victims won’t be equipped with the necessary vocabulary to describe their experience of abuse as we fail to explain the concepts to them with simple, accessible words.

Mapping Sex and Relationship Education (SRE) in Italy

Dr Iole Fontana is a political scientist and a researcher at the University of Catania. She has a PhD in Institutions, Politics and Policies and has been a visiting researcher at the London School of Economics and at the Université Hassan II in Casablanca. She has worked as a research intern for the Delegation of the European Union in Tunisia and is specialized on EU politics and Euro-Mediterranean relations.  This case study is an extension of her  pre-existing research for GenPol’s Can Education Stop Abuse policy paper.

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Relationship and Sex Education (SRE) is now considered an essential tool to empower young people to stay physically and mentally healthy as well as to prevent gender-based violence, as GenPol’s recent policy paper has showed us. Yet, whereas the potential of education in this domain is widely acknowledged, comprehensive programs are still lacking. In Europe, students’ sex education remains a geographical lottery, with SRE initiatives remaining patchy across and inside countries. Italy is a case in point. As one of the few EU member states where sex education is not compulsory, to date, there has been no law on the matter. As such, SRE is still not part of any teaching and education ministerial program. The consequence is that initiatives and activities remain uneven across the country, and dependent on the willingness and financial availability of schools, associations and non-governmental organizations.

What SRE is…and what it is not.

According to the reports of the European Parliament (2013:10) and of the IPPF European Network (2007), SRE is the process of disseminating information, increasing awareness and providing young people with the essential knowledge to enjoy sexuality both physically and emotionally, individually as well as in relationships. To put it briefly, SRE is the result of sex education (the ‘S’ component) and relationship education (the ‘R’ component). The first addresses the biological aspects of reproduction and deals with contraception possibilities, prevention of teenage pregnancy and protection against diseases. The second is concerned with ethical, moral, psychological and emotional aspects of sexuality. In this sense, SRE is not ‘a simple mechanistic coverage of biological facts’ (IPPF, 2007:12). Rather, it links general topics on sexuality with emotions, relationship, consent and respect of the other. Yet, in many countries –Italy included- the ‘S’ and ‘R’ are not promoted in an integrated fashion, with initiatives addressing just one of the two dimensions.

Italy and SRE: a leap into a legislative vacuum

Convoluted discussions on the subject have often heated parliamentary debates (Forleo and Lucisano, 1980). Both right and left wing parties[1]  tabled several legislative proposals on SRE, yet none of them passed the discussion-stage and become formal law[2]. This legislative vacuum stems from the preponderant role of the Vatican, which has traditionally questioned the responsibility of schools in this domain, relegating SRE to the domestic and family sphere. Moreover, the controversial reactions by parents and citizens have complicated the matter even further. As a glaring example, in many cases they have obstructed attempts to distribute in schools booklets on sex, gender issues and same sex relations[3]. For these reasons, no fully-fledged policy framework was ever developed, with politicians and successive governments approaching the issue with great caution. The Education Plan approved by Matteo Renzi’s former government (the so-called ‘Good School Plan’ or ‘La Buona Scuola’) adopted in fact a very soft and generic stance, devoid of comprehensive SRE initiatives. Similarly, the manifesto of the current Five Stars-Lega Nord government fails to refer to the issue.

 

Who takes care of SRE in Italy?

Due to the lack of a proper legislative framework, institutions are not at the forefront of SRE activities. The Ministry of Education is not directly responsible for centrally coordinating the delivery of the SRE initiatives,  and there is currently no Ministry for Equal/Gender Opportunities to take on this task. Schools remain the main institutional actor for the provision of SRE to young people aged between 8 and 19 years old.

In the absence of any ministerial guidance, each school is free to adopt (or disregard) SRE initiatives and to autonomously define educational contents and objects. The result is an uneven geographical distribution and the lack of common standards[4]. Students are in fact exposed to different meanings and messages, depending on their instructor and school. Moreover, many schools do not have enough funding for the delivery of SRE, especially when this implies the involvement of external experts. This further results in a patchy geographical distribution.

In order to map the state of SRE initiatives in Italian schools, a sample of 106 schools was randomly selected from the list of Italian registered schools. For a broader coverage of the Italian territory, schools were selected equally from Northern, Central and Southern regions. To facilitate the analysis, the sample was restricted just to high schools. The content of the Programmatic Document of each school (the so-called ‘PTOF’) was explored to identify the presence of key words (e.g. sexual education; sexuality; affectivity; gender; violence; women; love; HIV etc.) and understand how many schools include SRE activities in their educational offer and -if so- what kind. Overall, -out of 106 schools- 57 do not plan or even mention any kind of SRE. For the remaining 59, at least one SRE activity is mentioned in the PTOF (see table 1). Yet, for many of them, clearly recognizable projects are not always available, and it rather seems that SRE is only formally and merely mentioned in the PTOF but never really translated into action.

Source: Author’s Own

Moreover, the analysis of the PTOFs reveals that the combination of the ‘S’ and the ‘R’ components is hardly reflected in the educational offer of Italian schools. Most of the schools focus just on one of the two dimensions, overlooking the other. The schools promoting the “S” tailor their activities to sex education, prevention of sexual diseases, pregnancy and development of sexual awareness through cycles of meetings with gynaecologists, psychologists or other external experts. The schools that address the “R” target their activities to the fight against gender violence, discrimination, gender equality and relationship with the other. They use different interactive teaching tools, such as calls for journal articles, movie/photograph contests or the participation to key symbolic events (e.g. the woman international day). Many schools affirm their commitment to introducing gender and sexual education in a transversal way across different schools’ subjects.

However, of the selected sample, just 2-3 schools were actually able to support SRE in a comprehensive way, by combining the “S” and “R” components. There is no evidence that schools in the South are less receptive to SRE than schools in the North. The high number of schools without SRE initiatives concerns all Italian geographical areas. SRE activities are distributed unevenly, independently from the school’s geographical location. Finally, for most of the schools engaged into SRE, there are interesting synergies with other local actors (hospitals, ASLs, associations) who contribute with their expertise to the delivery of SRE initiatives.

SRE at a grassroots level

An increasing number of Italian civil society associations have made gender equality (and SRE) their mission. Their main strength is that they are able to target a much bigger audience than schools. Whereas the latter are generally limited to 13-19 years old teenagers, SRE initiatives in the associative world can address a mixed target composed of students, teachers, educators and parents. Some of the activities specifically target primary school students. Different methodologies and teaching methods are adopted. Many promote awareness-raising days on key topics such as gender-based violence; others organize interactive and training laboratories in private and public structures. Most of the associations cooperate with schools and some of them have even activated training courses on gender violence in cooperation with Universities.

Yet, ‘the exacerbation of the anti-gender campaigning as well as the recrudescence of racism and xenophobia have made the education work one of significant difficulty both inside and outside schools’[5]. In this regard, several associations have recently emerged with the goal of contrasting public SRE activities and keep the issue as a private affair within parents’ competence. The National Observatory devoted to affective and sexual education is a case in point. Born within the Committee “Let’s defend our children”, the goal of the Observatory is to keep a tight control on schools’ educational offer, warning about any potential teaching and educative ‘abuse’. These social divisions directly impinge upon the work of many of the associations engaged into SRE promotion.

Overall, SRE remains a contested issue in Italy. The absence of a clear public policy on the point gives raise to uneven implementation, with schools and associations’ capacities and practices varying greatly across the country.

 

Dr. Iole Fontana
Reserach Associate 

 

 

References:

IPPF (2007), The Safe Project.

European Parliament (2013), Policies for Sexuality Education in the European Union, Policy Department C.

Forleo R. and Lucisano P. (1980), Sex Ed in Italy, Journal of Sex Education and Therapy, n.6

[1] The proposals equally came from centre-right, extreme right, centre-left and extreme-left parties.

[2] For instance, the first draft bill in 1975 was blocked during the discussion within the parliamentary committee. The same happened in 1991, 1992, 1995, 1996, 1999, 2001, 2007, 2013, 2015.

[3] http://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2014/06/08/educazione-sessuale-in-olanda-si-inizia-a-4-anni-in-italia-non-ce-una-normativa/1008863/  ; http://www.huffingtonpost.it/2017/06/07/genitori-in-rivolta-contro-il-libro-di-educazione-sessuale-mio_a_22130537/

[4] Informal interviews with a sample of Italian high school professors.

[5] https://ilprogettoalice.wordpress.com/

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